First SD4L, that's pretty messed up. Not your post, but the ACLU "class action" that then binds non-parties. Fargo, I'm kinda seeing where he's coming from on this. These kinds of policy consent decrees are used to set policy, whether we like it or not.
Going back to SD4L, though, there's a bunch messed up about that. For one thing, the "class" definition omits a ton of people who now appear to have been caught up in this, including those who already have passports, or those who filed for passports after 2008. Large class actions like that get very complicated, and complications make bad policy. Plus, it isn't clear if the class was actually certified, which means that - as Fargo notes - it would only apply to those people.
Now, I kinda suspect the DOJ might've been acting like it applied to everyone, because it made for an easy explanation. "We don't want to do it this way, but there was a consent decree...."
Which also means, Trump has some liberty to change how they do things, and create a new set of lawsuits.
Ultimately, the problem arises in the "preponderance of the evidence" (POTE) standard. That's why I mentioned "prima facie." A legitimate BC is "prima facie" evidence of birth within the US, which satisfies the POTE standard. The government can rebut that, but it needs to be individualized. That's my only point on this.
Without that, the risk is significant that a US citizen will be denied proper status.
Who are the non-parties being bound? Even if the class was certified, by my read it's scope was limited to those who had pending claims back in 2008.